Informal Sector Challenge: Beholden to Misconceptions By Ranu, Economist.

 

“Mind is not a problem. Mindset is.” – Narendra Modi.

We received many interesting and constructive comments on the article titled ‘Unmasking the Realities of India’s Vast Informal Sector’ ( https://www.bharatamrising.com/economy-2/latest-2/unmasking-the-realities-of-india-s-vast-informal-sector ). These comments and questions helped us to think more deeply about the informal sector, for which we are thankful to the readers.

However, it is urged to not analyze the economic, security and social challenges faced by India from a political prism.The analysis of the informal sector is grounded in India’s official data (released by the National Statistical Organization under Ministry of Statistics and Program Implementation) and not in any political ideology.

The aim is to objectively examine the challenges being faced by the Indian economy and my article did not aim to malign one political party at the expense of other but to challenge the shallow analysis carried out by a few analysts who are ultimately damaging India’s economy and society by perpetuating falsehoods and spreading misinformation. It was never said that everything was hunky dory before 2014. While the Indian economy grew exceptionally fast between 2000 and 2008 on the fuel of 1991 liberalization reforms and a resurgent globalization, post-2008, growth faltered – swinging between highs and lows – due to a lack of major economic reforms, deep policy paralysis between 2010 and 2014, a few policy missteps (demonetization and hasty implementation of a clunky GST regime) and the mismanaged lockdowns during the COVID-19 pandemic (remember hundreds of informal workers who died while travelling from cities on foot, in heat, back to their villages). These factors have also kept the informal sector large as investment activity has weakened (https://www.bharatamrising.com/economy-2/latest-2/beyond-the-hype-the-real-story-of-investment-in-india) leading to less than sufficient number of quality jobs and, the education system has steadily deteriorated over the last twenty years.Now, let’s dig into the many constructive comments received so far:

Comment 1: “My gardener earns more than Rs 6,000 a month and his household income is supplemented by his wife who is a maid. They are not in dire straits as made out to be.”

Response: Firstly, India is a large country, with varying prices and incomes across cities, towns and villages. For instance, workers in the southern states generally earn more compared to workers in the northern states of Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Jharkhand, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh. So, it is possible for some gardeners to earn Rs 600 a month and some to earn Rs 1500 a month.

Secondly, let’s assume our gardener Rammohan from the article ‘Unmasking the Realities of India’s Vast Informal Sector’, earns Rs 1,500 a month per house and tends to 10 houses. This translates into an income of Rs 15,000 a month. Further, he also cleans cars; most informal workers hold multiple jobs to supplement their incomes. If our gardener cleans 10 cars and earns on an average Rs 600 per car, this adds Rs 6,000 to his overall income. Let’s also assume that Rammohan’s wife works as a maid and earns Rs 2,000 per house. If she is cleaning 5 houses in a day then her income comes out to be Rs 10,000 per month. Therefore, Rammohan and his wife bring in a gross income of Rs 31,000 per month.

Next, let’s assume that Rammohan and his wife have two children and their parents live in a village. Most urban families like Rammohan’s typically enroll their children in a small private English-medium school rather than in a government school, seeking a better life for their children. Clearly, they cannot afford to send their children to top schools in the city, and they lack the social standing to aim that high – we all know the hoops these top private schools make parents jump for admissions. But this low-ranked private English-medium school is not known for quality education. Even the average urban schools have deteriorated in terms of teaching quality and curriculum, so students have to rely on private tuitions. But Rammohan’s children cannot afford to attend private tuitions, thus, deepening their disadvantage in moving up the social and economic ladder in the future.

In addition to these education-related expenses, there are monthly expenses on food (which has become more expensive as food prices have surged over the last two years), transportation, cooking gas, electricity, healthcare, family and house rent. The table at the end of this article breaks down these hypothetical household expenses for Rammohan and his wife (roughly based on my interactions with my gardener and maid).

After paying for all the necessities, we find that Rammohan and his wife are left with a small amount of Rs 1,765 at the end of a month (on an average) to save or to spend on any emergencies. We should think carefully about how this low salary, and an overall lack of wealth or savings, no access to social security benefits as well as limited prospects of moving up the social and income ladder will help workers like Rammohan prosper!

Comment 2: “Informal workers can get skilled at training centers opened under PMKVY and compete for better jobs.”

Response: The Pradhan Mantri Kaushal Vikas Yojana (PMKVY) was launched in 2015-16 to help the Indian youth to acquire industry-relevant training and hence, quality formal jobs. While a commendable initiative, it has failed to make any substantive contributions in generating quality employment or training workers to bridge the skill gap. A small share of workers has availed of this facility due to a limited industrial demand for these trained workers in their immediate vicinity (most of the workers want jobs near their homes), absence of sufficient number of formal jobs, poor training at the centers etc1. It is hardly surprising then that as of June 2024, only 0.5% of informal workers were enrolled in these training centers and till date only about 3% of total employed workers in India have been trained in these centers.

Comment 3: “Patience is the key here. The PLI and Make in India schemes will soon generate jobs for the workers in the informal sector.”

Response: The Make in India scheme was launched in 2014 to encourage foreign and domestic companies to set up businesses in India. There are several initiatives and sub-schemes under the umbrella program of Make in India that targets 27 sectors in the country (https://www.makeinindia.com/sectors). But barring tourism services and, leather and textile manufacturing, none of the 24 remaining sectors are labor-intensive or capable of generating a high number of jobs for India’s large army of informal workers. This is also a challenge with the Production Linked Incentive (PLI) Scheme, which was launched in 2020, to boost India’ manufacturing capacity.

India needs large investments in textiles, leather and food processing industries. Such labor-intensive manufacturing units can generate enough jobs for the relatively less educated and unskilled informal workers. Manufacturing also has an added benefit of ‘learning-by-doing’, offering opportunities for workers to gain experience and expertise in a particular kind of work, which help them to leverage their skills for higher incomes. Whereas, informal work does not offer these opportunities. After all, a gardener or a car washing worker can hope to gain only a little in experience and expertise even after 10 years of work, which keeps their future prospects of increased incomes quite bleak.

But financial incentives like the PLI are not enough to motivate the private companies to invest in these labor-intensive industries. Firstly, India needs to overhaul its land and labor laws. The government needs to make it easier to estimate the value and ascertain the ownership rights of the land, create a liquid market for land (similar to the liquidity in India’s stock markets which makes it easier for us to trade in stocks) and, simplify land administration procedures. On labor laws, the government of India did take steps to streamline and reduce the multiple labor laws accumulated since the British came to India but the progress on implementation has stalled in the face of political challenges. Secondly, India’s central government needs to improve policy certainty. Going back and forth on policies (like the laptop ban last year) as well as favoring a few private companies while cracking down on others that do not tow the political line (ordering IT raids and ED seizures) has damaged the business environment in the country. Why would a private company invest in a large labor-intensive factory if it is not sure of the future returns – what if the current government changes its mind about the land or labor laws or worse, favors another rival company? One should have a look as to how certain groups have acquired companies recently.

These are some of the most urgent reforms that can generate good jobs for informal workers and also, secure India’s future growth.    

Conclusion

It is reiterated here that addressing the challenge of the informal sector is of paramount importance for India’s future growth. No developing country has grown to become a high-income economy where more than half of its workers are earning barely enough to survive (including education, which is a necessity in a civilized society). 

***

Table. Hypothetical household expenses for Rammohan

 

Assumption

Expenses

School and miscellaneous education related expenses

   

School fees

Rs 1000 per month for each child

2,000

Books, uniforms, stationary items etc.

 

2,000

Rent

One room rental

3,000

Electricity bill

 

1,000

Other non-food items like toiletries, cell phone plan payment, clothes etc.

 

1,000

Cooking Gas

- A subsidy of Rs 300, on average, is provided to low-income households on each cylinder of cooking gas. Market price of a cylinder is Rs 800.
- Assume that a family of four uses 1 cylinder every month.

500

Food

   

Milk

1 liter every day at Rs 20 per liter

600

Spices, snacks etc.

 

500

Vegetables

- Recent average of vegetable prices has been Rs 80 per KG.
- Consumption of 8 KG per month

640

Fruits

- Average of Rs 115 per liter for mustard oil.
- Consumption of 5 liters of oil per month.

575

Food from fair price shops

- Average of Rs 60 per KG, based on price of Bharat Dal.
- Consumption of 3 KG per month

180

Oil

- Recent average of vegetable prices has been Rs 80 per KG.
- Consumption of 8 KG per month

640

Pulses

- Recent average of fruit prices has been Rs 100 per KG.
- Consumption of 2 KG per month

200

Wheat and rice

Consumption of 32 KG every month at an average Rs 29/Kg for both wheat and rice.*

928

Healthcare

- Assuming 2 visits at Rs 500 medical fees per visit to a private health clinic.
- Other miscellaneous charges like medicines at Rs 1,000 per month

900

Transportation

- Assuming ownership of a standard bike with an average mileage of 60 Kmpl.
- Consumption of 2 liter of petrol per month at Rs 106 per liter of petrol.

212

EMI for the bike, income sent back home in the village, spending on festivals and other family functions

 

15,000

Total Expenses

 

29,235

Monthly Household Salary

 

31,000

Amount Left for Savings

 

1,765

Note: *The estimation of 32Kg of cereal consumption for a household of 4 persons is based on the preliminary results of the recent official Consumption Expenditure Survey. The Survey showed that in 2022-23 the per capita cereal consumption was 8 Kg in urban areas.

Footnotes

1 https://www.deccanherald.com/india/skill-training-an-incomplete-solution-to-india-s-unemployment-crisis-1212085.html

https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/karnataka/skill-training-centres-poorly-designed-and-dysfunctional-shows-study/article30795717.ece

https://theprint.in/ground-reports/centres-shut-funds-misused-no-placements-skill-india-needs-a-refresher-course/2054438/

 

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From Acche Din to Amrit Kaal.

A growing belief, which has lately reached a crescendo, is that India’s time of take-off has arrived. The Prime Minister has been at the forefront of trumpeting this idea. The problem is that the data, wherever it is available, shows a completely different picture.

Firstly, yes, the GDP growth rate has been higher than most large emerging economies of the world. However, one has to look at the drivers of this growth and not just the headline number. One of the most important drivers has been consumer spending by the higher-income groups, even as spending by lower-income groups has remained sluggish. The second most important factor has been the large-scale public infrastructure push along with a private real estate boom. While economists have extolled the ‘multiplier’ effects of public investment in infrastructure – for instance, a rupee spent on building roads can generate two rupees worth of total economic output the next year – these benefits will accrue to the economy only if the infrastructure is maintained over the years. The problem in India has been that such large scale infrastructure projects have not been followed with institutional reforms and the state’s capacity (or overall administrative or bureaucratic quality) is quite low, such that critical infrastructure like roads and bridges are of shoddy quality or fall into disrepair over the years. This is akin to building a road to nowhere! Moreover, private corporate investment has not taken-off even as the government has touted the success of its PLI (production linked incentive) scheme, without of course releasing any data to support this claim.

Secondly, according to the official statistics on the labor market, the unemployment rate has declined. But at the same time, self-employment has increased – think of road-side vendors and small decrepit kirana stores. In a developing country like India, no one can afford to stay unemployed, and therefore the unemployment rate will typically be low. What matters is the quality of employment – level of earnings and non-monetary benefits. The latter is something elites usually take it for granted – annual leaves, provident fund, written job contract etc. The self-employed do not have access to these non-monetary benefits and their earnings have remained dismally low. That is why consumer spending for the bulk of India’s population has remained weak and has instead been driven by a few Indians (like me and you), with higher and secure incomes.

Thirdly, the private projects announced with much fanfare by the Government of India like Foxconn’s iPhone factory, have come up in the already industrialized states of Tamil Nadu, Karnataka and Maharashtra. These states, over the last three decades, have invested in good quality infrastructure, a supportive eco-system of institutions and a strong supply chain of raw materials. And the central government/BJP has got nothing to do with it! These states have been drivers of India’s growth for a long time now and they have been well-poised to reap the gains from the geo-political shifts like multinationals moving out of China. What needs to be asked is whether the lagging states of MP, Rajasthan, UP, Bihar, Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh, are developing and gaining from the big infrastructure push by the central and state governments?

Fourthly, the supporters of the central government proclaim its superiority of vision based on the rollout of India’s digital public infrastructure. It is true that India has been leading the world in terms of digital public services and digital payments. However, to say that this government has single-handedly brought about this change is grossly unfair. The foundation stone of India’s digital infrastructure was laid down in 2009 when the National Payment Corporation of India (NPCI) was established to integrate all payments mechanisms in India. By 2012, the RBI released the vision statement for NPCI and rolled out the infrastructure for Unified Payments Interface or UPI in 2016. It is important to know how this hugely successful digital public infrastructure came about because it certainly did not come up magically in a day.

What is surprising and troubling is that India’s numerous unemployed persons and road-side vendors(their population has grown in last 2-3 years) whose lives have not changed dramatically in the last decade, are also living in some kind of a delusion . Their hope for a golden future or Amrit Kaal seems delusional given that anything substantial has happened in the last five years. Swacch Bharat Abhiyaan and Smart Cities have been failures, Ayushman Bharat is ridden with corruption, Subsidies have grown exponentially but you will not come across any CAG reports because the central government has muzzled the independent office of the Auditor General.

 

Economists are always wary of asset bubbles – when frenzy takes over something as simple as tulips, resulting in a massive surge in prices and optimism about the asset (such as tulips) – because they burst (not deflate but burst with a bang) with prices crashing to the ground and optimism morphing into a deep pessimism. This leads to economic recessions or extended periods of slow growth.

In the absence of any data to support that we are living in Amritkaal, Acche din, it is quite likely that many of us are, as a matter of fact, living in a massive bubble, and making beautiful castles in the air ; POK Bharat ka hissa hoga, India will be a developed economy by 2047.

Hiding data, muzzling the senior Govt officials and compelling them to tow Govt's line is surely not going to help. 

It may take some time for this euphoria to go away, may be Two to Four years, when the reality would dawn upon us, but by then, it may be too late as the society and the nation might be on the verge of a civil strife. 

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Our journey as a modern nation statestarted in 1947 with the historic speech byPandit Jawaharlal Nehru, with 95% illiteracy, barely any industry and transport system, armed forces that were divided due to partition lacking equipment was largely in disarray, if there were guns- then the dial sights were taken away by Pakistanis, making the guns ineffective, if there were files- maps were taken way by Pakistanis, if there were battalions, half the men had gone away to Pakistan and so on.


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